As always, there are dozens of Syria-related subjects worth discussing; some are old records being played over and over again (about which I currently have little new to add), others are sad and outrageous news about provocations and mutinies in God-forsaken cells (about which I, and most of us, don't know enough).
That's one of the reasons why I've been banging on the Franco-Syrian relations drum again, already mentioned in April (in French) in my article which considered that Syria was both "hostage and jailor of Lebanon." Since then, various sides in France have been ranting about the presence of the Syrian president in Paris on the 14th of July - along with over 40 other heads of state, including those of the southern Mediterranean shores whose own record on numerous issues is less than rosy, and including mass murderers who are responsible for more killings than all the others combined.
The Olmerts and Browns of this world, to name but two on opposing sides of the geographical divide, are worthy of French honors, as are all the Arab leaders from one end to the other of the deep blue sea. Syria, in contrast, would be better shunned, if one were to heed the advice of assorted non-experts, political lobbyists and scandal-hungry journalists.
As usual, not only has the subject been totally ignored by Syrian media, government and embassies (what a shock, I know), but most of them aren't even apparently aware that an anti-Syrian campaign is taking place in France. Isn't it time to put a stop to this, and to give Syria equal rights and equal duties to the others? And isn't it time Syria's position was explained by Syrians, and its image drawn by someone other than Lebanese, Israeli or American paintbrushes?
It may be time to stop thinking purely in terms of the historical and emblematic "road to Damascus" and start looking for highways, or at the very least for byways, to lead us to Paris. And that's the case I'm making in this piece for Syria Today; not just because I'm a Francophile, not just because it's in the news, but because it's the logical thing to do, as any beginner student in international relations would gladly recite.
Diversions on the road to Paris
Rime Allaf, Syria Today
French influence in the Levant has certainly seen better days. Many regional observers even in Lebanon see little point in cultivating ties with the tender mother now decisions regarding their fate are made in Washington, rather than in Paris. Clinging to cultural and linguistic reminders embedded throughout geographical Syria, friends and foes alike feel France has itself conceded defeat, retreated from the centre of power and watched as the current masters set their agenda and played kingmaker.
This reading of Frances uselessness is deceptive, however, as it fails to consider the influence it still carries (independently or as a complement to other powers), as well as its importance within an increasingly potent European force now grouping 27 countries. The economic, financial and industrial strength of France continues to be felt in numerous areas, even if its political influence has declined outside previous colonies and protectorates.
In the Levant and the region, French influence can still change the course of events. Had it not been for Frances opposition, the Anglo-American invasion of Iraq might have been blessed by the Security Council, or at least by a greater number of traditional allies. And had it not been for Frances initiative, recent political events in Lebanon would not have resonated so far, nor triggered successive Security Council resolutions (some under Chapter VII) on thorny Lebanese issues, including the presence of foreign troops and the armed group Hezbollah.
The demise of French influence having therefore been greatly exaggerated, Syria should adapt its foreign policy to consider the potential of Paris to sway matters, along with the significant bearing the personal predispositions of a French president can have on policy.
Under the Fifth Republic, presidents have remained committed to the region through different actors. While François Mitterrand rekindled warm relations with Israel, Jacques Chirac refused to visit Jerusalem in the company of then-mayor Ehud Olmert, honoured the late Palestinian President Yasser Arafat with military salutes before his coffin was flown out, and was the first French president to set foot in Algeria after its independence.
Chiracs attention was initially constructive for Syria, showing understanding of its foreign concerns and support for its domestic challenges. While observers of recurring Franco-Syrian disagreements expected some changes, Chiracs increasingly negative attitude turned into a proactive damaging stance in a brief time, as his personal ties in Lebanon became blurred with those of his nation.
As Syria hoped, things did change with President Nicolas Sarkozy; however, his marked pro-Israeli stance, and the precedents he set as Interior Minister, should have been ample warning that his personal style would make communication tricky. With a vacant ambassadorial post in Paris (since the departure of Siba Nasser), there was nobody to advise Damascus on the Sarkozy governments novel ways, and Syria remained a spectator led by events rather than an active interlocutor. No Syrian has been lobbying politicians and officials, engaging with a distinctively vibrant media (where talk shows typically host actors, intellectuals and ambassadors on a same table), or arguing Syrias case, which has been freely distorted by detractors with various agendas.
Even minor Lebanese politicians used French media to vent their numerous woes and to recount fabulous tales of malicious Syrian meddling in every single aspect of their life, without the burden of proof or a convincing Syrian version of events to contradict them. In the past three years, Syrias portrayal has thus been reduced to simplistic labels, in a style reminiscent of Frances own depiction in mainstream American media after its opposition to the war on Iraq.
Indeed, considering the protests over Syrias participation in the Union for the Mediterranean Summit of July 13, and in the July 14 parade, one might assume all other guests were paragons of democracy advocating non-interference in neighbouring (and troubled) countries, and that solid evidence had proved Syrian crimes in the region. Such postures mostly reflect deteriorating journalistic values and blatant political double standards, but they also harm Syria and snub its perfectly valid regional concerns and legal rights.
Such public discourse should not be allowed to continue unchallenged, and Syria must convey its national positions in a clear, convincing and consistent message in French. The Syrian embassy in Paris is a perfect starting point for this diplomatic and media campaign, to be led by a fluent and erudite Francophile ambassador for whom French media, politics and culture hold no secrets and who can effortlessly respond to baseless accusations and restore an image which American and Israeli governments, and more recently Lebanese opponents, have exaggeratedly smeared.
This essential operation is all the more pertinent after President Sarkozys latest overture to Syria, rescinding the pointless suspension to ties with Damascus, and recognising the latters role in having ended the presidential stalemate in Lebanon following a vain French mediation. The Quai dOrsay continues to be sidelined, and Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchners personal intervention is overshadowed by top Elysée advisers Claude Guéant and David Levittes own diplomatic manoeuvres; there is every reason to believe that Sarkozy will continue to lead relations with the region, and that he is determined to regain some of Frances squandered prestige in the Levant, and in Israel.
The French president reportedly meets with intellectuals, experts and opinion leaders to discuss a wide spectrum of subjects over regular animated luncheons, an admirable exercise which should be replicated by every leader who sincerely seeks a better grasp of complex issues from objective and frank contributors. A meeting with Levantine experts could improve his overview and contribute to a more effective French role in the region.
While Sarkozys Club Med may be a diluted version of more ambitious plans to put France back on top of Europe and to engage the southern shores of the Mediterranean it will be backed by the full weight of Frances EU presidency beginning in July. This sets the perfect context for Syrian diplomacy to regain its own foothold with France and with Europe, resolve the deadlock with the Association Agreement, and repair bilateral ties that should have improved with the departure of Chirac.
Damascus should reclaim its logical position as a partner of France and make an effort to fix its communication weaknesses, while Paris should consider strong ties with Damascus as imperative because of its regional importance, and not merely because talks with Israel make it an acceptable partner.
France and Syria are looking for common ground and for a regional recognition of their respective interests in the Levant; neither the fact that they currently have opposing allies in Lebanon, nor that France now gives Israel unprecedented support, should dictate the bilateral agenda or divert them from forming a mutually beneficial strategic cooperation.
Rime Allaf is an Associate Fellow at Chatham House.